In a single day, the White House announced an early end to military aid, and American voters sent some of Israel’s harshest critics to the US Senate. The long-held belief that Washington would always stand with Israel has broken down. Anti-Israel sentiment has moved firmly into the mainstream, and anti-Jewish rhetoric and behavior that would have been unthinkable a decade ago are now openly tolerated. Most American Jews aren’t packing their bags, but they’re worried, they’re weighing their options, and a growing number are considering an apartment in Israel as insurance for their family’s future. Israel’s national housing market will barely notice. The neighborhoods where American Jews buy are a different story.
Ten years ago, a candidate who accused Israel of genocide or questioned its right to exist as a Jewish state would have been unelectable in most of America. Today, such candidates are heading to the US Senate. Tuesday’s midterms gave Democrats control of both the House and the Senate, with a commanding margin in the House.
Within that sweep came a development that many American Jews find deeply troubling: Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan, Peggy Flanagan in Minnesota and Troy Jackson in Maine, all fierce critics of Israel, won Senate seats. El-Sayed becomes the first Muslim elected to the US Senate. In the House, several Democrats who reject Israel’s existence as a Jewish state will join the reelected Rashida Tlaib, among them Melat Kiros, who won in Denver. In Providence, voters approved a ballot measure supporting divestment from Israel.
How Israel Became a Campaign Issue
The tone of the campaigns was just as striking as the results. Israel’s critics ran on two separate lines of attack. The first was moral. Over the war in Gaza, accusations of genocide that once belonged to fringe activists became standard campaign language for several winning candidates. The second was economic, and it drew on the war with Iran. After the US and Israel began striking in February, Tehran disrupted energy flows through the Strait of Hormuz and fuel prices soared. Gas averaged $4.11 a gallon, the highest Election Day average on record. In Michigan, El-Sayed told voters that choosing him meant ending the war and bringing prices down.
The rise of New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani showed how a message combining affordability, expanded social programs, and sharp criticism of Israel can win votes. When economic frustration turns toward the Jewish state, the effects rarely stay limited to foreign policy. In campaign speeches and ads, the Iran war and the billions in military aid to Israel were combined into one message: Israel is the reason Americans are paying more at the pump and the supermarket.
That message is no longer limited to the left. The morning after the vote, Vice President JD Vance blamed the Republican losses mainly on anger over the Iran war, and included changing America’s relationship with Israel among the steps his party needs to take. When the Vice President of the United States publicly links his party’s defeat to Israel, it is clear how much the political ground has shifted.
Most Democrats remain pro-Israel, including Ritchie Torres and newly elected Micah Lasher in New York. But the direction is clear. Each election cycle moves hostility toward Israel further into the mainstream, and leaves American Jews with fewer political allies they can rely on.
Some warn the trend could go much further. Speaking with Tony Kinnett during the Daily Signal’s election-night coverage, conservative historian Victor Davis Hanson said he could imagine a future Democratic administration coming to see Israel not as an ally but as an enemy of the United States. It is a partisan view and a worst-case one, but the fact that such a scenario is now being discussed seriously shows how far the debate has moved.
The Aid Announcement in Context
On the morning of the vote, President Trump said the United States would end about $4 billion in annual military aid to Israel by the end of 2026. Trump said Netanyahu had raised the idea.
That account aligns with what Prime Minister Netanyahu has said publicly for some time: that he hoped to taper off American military aid over the next decade, wanted Israel to be as independent as possible, and believed relying less on American money could help Israel in the battle over public opinion. The existing agreement runs until 2028. This week, the timeline shrank from years to a few weeks.
The reason is not hard to see. US aid had become a ready-made political weapon, used repeatedly by campaigns that blamed Israel for America’s economic problems. Ending the payments removes that argument. Commentators in Israel have described Netanyahu’s strategy as a recognition that critical voices in both American parties are likely to grow louder, and that Israel cannot afford to depend on them.
It’s important to be accurate about what the aid was. The package is worth well under one percent of Israel’s economic output, and under the 2016 agreement it was increasingly required to be spent with American defense manufacturers, which supported American jobs. The United States gained a great deal in return: intelligence cooperation, real battlefield experience with American weapons systems, and joint development of technologies such as Iron Dome. Supporters of the relationship have long argued that America got far more back than it paid.
A Climate That Has Changed
The discomfort American Jews feel goes well beyond any vote in Congress. Hostility toward Israel no longer stays at protests. Anti-Jewish rhetoric has become accepted in classrooms, on the street, online, and now in political campaigns. The ADL’s 2025 Audit of Antisemitic Incidents counted 6,274 incidents of assault, harassment, and vandalism, an average of 17 per day, and found that 2025 was the third-highest year since tracking began in 1979. New York, California and New Jersey recorded the most incidents. These are the communities that supply much of Israel’s Anglo buyer base. Figures for 2026 have not been published yet, and many in the community expect them to be worse.
The result is a general unease. Many families look at where things are heading and don’t like what they see, and more of them are quietly considering an alternative. Not every Jew sees Israel as that alternative. But for a large number of families, Israel is now the first option: the place where they believe they and their children will ultimately be safe. Even those who aren’t ready to move are thinking seriously about buying something here.
What It Means for Israeli Real Estate Prices
Nationally, I believe the impact will be limited. Israel’s housing market is in a slow correction, with prices down from a year ago in what has become the longest run of annual declines in a decade. Foreign buyers are a small share of that market, and national prices depend mainly on local families, interest rates and supply. Jerusalem, where diaspora demand is most concentrated, has held up better than the rest of the country, while other areas, including some Anglo hubs, have softened along with the wider market. New construction is not where the pressure will show up either: developers are carrying large amounts of unsold inventory and offering flexible payment plans, so they can absorb additional demand without sharp price increases.
The pressure will build in the secondhand market in the Anglo hubs. Many American Jewish buyers want to move quickly and own something ready, without waiting years for completion or taking on construction risk, especially in uncertain times. Supply of that kind of home in established English-speaking neighborhoods is limited, and even a small number of additional motivated buyers can push prices up. The effect of this moment will show up locally, in specific neighborhoods, rather than in the national index.
Planning Your Next Step
This is a time to act with purpose, not in a panic. Start by being clear about why you’re buying. It might be a future aliyah home, a “just in case” apartment, a place for your children, a long-term investment, or simply a way to move some of your assets into Israel. Each goal points to different neighborhoods and different types of property.
Next, put your team and your finances in place. Look at mortgage options, currency transfers and what your full budget will be, including purchase tax. Think carefully about timing as well, especially if aliyah is part of the plan, since buying shortly before or after aliyah can lead to very different tax outcomes. If you’re starting to explore your options, the team at Buyitinisrael is here to help you find the right property. And remember, you don’t have to follow the crowd. If your priority is investment or a safe place for your money, areas outside the established Anglo hubs often offer more choice, better value, and more room to negotiate.
Some saw the writing on the wall long before this week. Still, waking up on Wednesday morning to find Israel’s harshest critics heading to the Senate, military aid ending and a Vice President blaming Israel for his party’s defeat was a shock. For a growing number of families, owning a home in Israel is no longer a far-off dream. It has become a real way to protect their future. In the neighborhoods where Americans settle, Israeli real estate is likely to feel that demand first.
Debbie Goldfischer is the founder and CEO of Buyitinisrael and the host of the Israel Real Estate Podcast: On The House. A prominent figure in real estate since 2004, Debbie has spent two decades helping foreign buyers successfully purchase homes in Israel. Seeing a lack of reliable, English-language resources for navigating the Israeli property market, she launched Buyitinisrael.com in 2020. In addition to leading the platform, Debbie is available to personally assist you in finding the right property—whether new or resale—anywhere in Israel.
To connect with Debbie, email [email protected].